Children born into working class families are significantly less likely to move up the ladder than their peers from middle class homes. These inequalities have persisted for generations.
Researchers from the University of Oxford and the London School of Economics and Political Science analysed information on the childhood and adult social class of more than 32,000 Britons across four generations. They concluded that contrary to public fears, social mobility in the UK was not in decline.
However, among younger generations the experience of downward (as opposed to upward) mobility is more common than in the past. And considerable class inequalities continue to shape the likelihood of people born into different classes ending up in a high social class themselves.
This research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council.
Following 5,000 people born in England, Scotland and Wales in a single week of March 1946
Following 17,000 people born across England, Scotland and Wales in a single week of March 1958
Following 17,000 people born across England, Scotland and Wales in a single week of April 1970
Following 40,000 households from across the UK. In this study, the researchers included Understanding Society participants who were born in 1980-84
Each participant’s occupation was classed according to the National Statistics Socio-Economic Classification (NS-SEC), a system used by the Office for National Statistics to understand the structure of socioeconomic positions in modern societies. The current NS-SEC classifications are as follows:
1. Higher managerial, administrative and professional occupations
1.1 Large employers and higher managerial and administrative occupations
1.2 Higher professional occupations
2. Lower managerial, administrative and professional occupations
3. Intermediate occupations
4. Small employers and own account workers
5. Lower supervisory and technical occupations
6. Semi-routine occupations
7. Routine occupations
8. Never worked and long-term unemployed
Information on mother’s occupation was not available for the generations born in 1946 and 1980-84. For this reason, the researchers used father’s occupation instead, as it was available for everyone. However, they did test to see whether their results changed when including mother’s occupation for the 1958 and 1970 cohorts. They found no significant differences.
Absolute mobility rates show the percentage of individuals whose class destinations are different to their class origins. It can be subdivided into two categories: upward mobility (individuals who have moved from a lower class of origin into a higher class destination) and downward mobility (individuals who have moved from a higher class of origin to a lower class destination). Absolute rates are influenced by changes in the overall class structure (for example, an expansion in professional jobs).
Relative mobility rates focus on the relative chances of individuals from different class origins arriving at different class destinations, irrespective of changes in the overall class structure. They assess the ‘stickiness’ of the relationship between a person’s class position (their destination) and that of their parents (their origin).
Absolute mobility
More than three quarters of men ended up in a different social class as that of their fathers – the proportion was relatively unchanged from 1946 to the early 1980s. For women, absolute mobility increased slightly from 1946 to the 1980s – from around 77 per cent of women in 1946, to about 82 per cent for women born in the early 1980s.
When the researchers looked at the number of people moving up and down the social ladder, the picture was slightly different. Men born in the 1946 were 2 to 3 times more likely to move up in social status rather than down. But over time upward mobility became less likely, and downward mobility more common. The generation born in the early 1980s was just as likely to move up as down.
Women’s mobility followed similar trends, but differences between upward and downward mobility was less marked than for men.
The proportion of people originating in the middle and upper classes tripled between the generation born in 1946, and those born in 1980-84. The number of people born into the working classes halved over the same period.
Relative mobility
The researchers found that relative mobility rates (which focus on the relative chances of individuals from different backgrounds moving up or down the social ladder) have changed little since the post-war generation. When they looked at rates for men and women, they found little change among men but evidence of improved mobility (described as ‘increasing social fluidity’) over time among women.
However, a key finding from the article concerns the degree of inequality that underpins the relative rates of mobility. For example, it describes the odds of someone born into a professional and managerial class family ending up themselves in that class, compared with the far lower chances of someone born into a working class family.
Not mobility, but inequality
Children born into working class families are significantly less likely to move up into professional or managerial jobs than middle class children are to move down. The scale of these inequalities has stayed more or less the same over time for men, and have decreased – but remained large – for women.
A changing society
It is important to consider how changes in UK society may have affected these findings. For instance, the middle classes grew substantially in the middle of the century as more professional and managerial jobs became available. On the other hand, the working classes have steadily shrunk over time. This meant that more people start life higher up on the social ladder (with less room to climb), and there are fewer people at the bottom to make big leaps in social status.
These changes mean that younger generations of men and women face less favourable prospects when it comes to mobility than those faced by their parents or grandparents.
To determine whether social mobility is increasing or declining, researchers need information on people’s employment over the course of their whole lives and across multiple generations. Longitudinal studies are ideal sources of data as they follow the same group of people over time, and together cover several generations of Britons.
However, using historical data can also present some challenges. For example, class structures in the UK have changed over time, so to compare the generation born in 1946 to those born in 1980-84, researchers often need to reclassify occupations against a common set of standards. They also need to conduct tests to determine whether this reclassification affects the findings in an unintended way.
Finally, several longitudinal studies collect employment status only at the time of the survey visits, which for many studies means only every few years. It is possible that a participant could be going through a brief spell of unemployment at the time of the visit, but is fully employed normally. This can give a misleading picture of the person’s social class.
The authors of this research manage to overcome this last challenge with the 1958 and 1970 cohorts, as these studies ask participants for their complete work history at the time of each visit. So where someone is out of work at the time of the interview, the researchers can use their last known job to determine their social class.
Over the past two decades, successive governments have made higher levels of social mobility a focus of public policy. Longitudinal research is often used as part of the evidence base because of the ability to look within and across cohorts to get a snapshot of inequality and understand how it has changed over time.
The Social Mobility Commission (SMC) is an advisory non-departmental public body with a duty to promote social mobility in England. The Commission provides an independent scrutiny and advocacy role on social mobility and is required to publish an annual report assessing progress on improving social mobility in the UK – this is the annual “State of Nation” Report. The Commission also carries out and publishes other research on social mobility throughout the year. A list of recent publications is provided on its website. The Commission published Time For Change: An Assessment of Government Policies on Social Mobility 1997-2017 in June 2017. This says that government policies to improve social mobility have failed to deliver enough progress and warns that without major reform social and economic divisions within Britain are set to widen.
There are also many charities and think tanks in the UK that advocate for greater social mobility, and work with young people from disadvantaged backgrounds to improve their life chances. These include The Sutton Trust, a foundation which improves social mobility in the UK through evidence-based programmes, research and policy advocacy, and The Bridge Group, a charitable policy association researching and promoting socio-economic diversity and equality.
Bukodi, E., Goldthorpe, J.H., Waller, L. and Kuha, J. (2015) The mobility problem in Britain: new findings from the analysis of birth cohort data. The British Journal of Sociology 66(1), pp. 93-117.