Young people, schools, parents and government are more aware of bullying than ever before. It is a very important topic of modern day policy, practice and academic inquiry.
But to make the strongest case for tackling bullying, campaigners, practitioners and policymakers must prove that bullying isn’t just a part of growing up – that it can have a long-term negative impact on young people’s lives.
Longitudinal studies make a unique contribution to our understanding of bullying by tracking its effects right through the course of our lives. The data have been used to understand the long-term consequences of bullying, and find out if different groups are more resilient or susceptible to the damaging effects.
According to findings from the 1958 National Child Development Study, being bullied as a child is associated with a range of negative social, physical and mental health outcomes later in life. Read more.
Findings from the Millennium Cohort Study have shown that at age 7, 12 per cent of children with special educational needs and 11 per cent of those with a statement of need said they were bullied ‘all of the time’ by other pupils, compared to just 6 per cent of their non-disabled peers. Read more.
Findings from Understanding Society have shown that the chances of being bullied at school are considerably higher if children are victimised by their siblings. Read more.
Findings from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children have shown that children who are bullied frequently in their early teenage years are two to three times as likely to develop depression and anxiety disorders by age 18. Read more.
Many longitudinal studies following younger generations, including the Millennium Cohort Study, the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children, and Understanding Society, ask a wide range of questions about participants’ experiences of bullying. These questions tend to cover:
Researchers can use these data alongside the wide range of other information collected from the studies to determine which groups of young people are most at risk of being bullied, and how bullying is related to other areas of their lives, such as educational attainment and health.
However, bullying hasn’t always been as prominent an issue as it is today. This has meant that many older studies did not ask as many questions about bullying when their participants were growing up. For example, when the 1958 National Child Development Study study participants were aged 7 and 11, their mothers were asked if their children were bullied and how often. Mothers weren’t asked about different kinds of bullying or whether their child was a bully, and children weren’t asked about their experiences directly.
Does that mean older longitudinal data are not useful for studying bullying? In fact, older studies offer a significant advantage to studies of bullying: their participants have grown up.
Researchers can use data from older longitudinal studies to investigate how childhood experiences of being bullied affect adult life. In this evidence case study, researchers at King’s College, London, used data from the 1958 cohort to determine that being bullied as a child was associated with a huge range of problems in adulthood, including depression, unemployment and lower life satisfaction.
Anti-bullying charities and practitioners working with young people seized on these findings, as they are some of the best evidence we have that bullying truly does leave a scar for life and cannot be ignored.
Find out more about what information longitudinal studies collect in the Introduction to longitudinal studies module.
Most information about bullying is collected through questionnaires. Study participants might complete the questionnaires themselves, using a computer or pen and paper, or they might be asked the questions by an interviewer. Study teams always consider how sensitive the questions are, and whether participants would be more or less open to discussing their experiences with an interviewer than they would if they answered the questions on a self-completion questionnaire.
It is important to understand who the respondent is when using longitudinal data on bullying. While older studies asked participants’ parents whether their children were bullied, many newer studies ask the children directly. And of course, some studies ask both parents and children – and sometimes even teachers. You might be interested in looking at how children, parent and teachers’ reports differ.
Find out more about how longitudinal studies are designed, including sampling and the value of different methods and modes of collecting information, in the Study design module.
There are a number of strengths of longitudinal studies that make them an ideal resource for studying bullying.
Breadth of data available: Longitudinal studies have the added advantage of covering a wide range of different areas of life. Victims of bullying often suffer from other problems, and it can be very difficult to unpick the impact of bullying alone. Of course, it is always possible that there are other factors that have not been captured, but longitudinal data cover significantly more than other data sources. Read more about the breadth of data available in the Introduction to longitudinal studies module.
Tracking long-term consequences: Cross-sectional studies can tell us about how many young people are experiencing bullying at a given point in time, and may also be able to differentiate between different groups depending on how much other information they collect. However, what really matters is how this experience shapes the rest of their lives – and longitudinal data can get closest to proving that the effects of bullying last. Read more about the differences between longitudinal and cross-sectional studies in the Introduction to longitudinal studies module .
Prospective data collection: Past experience of bullying is difficult to remember accurately – it can be an emotionally difficult experience that could cloud people’s memories. Read more about prospective study vs retrospective study design in the Study design module.
Large sample sizes: Many longitudinal studies also have large enough sample sizes to identify particular groups that are at higher risk of being bullied, or those who are more resilient. Read more about longitudinal samples in the Study design module.
Find out more about the strengths of longitudinal data in the Introduction to longitudinal studies module.
Researchers using longitudinal data to study bullying should be aware of some general challenges.
Being bullied is tough to admit: Bullying can be a traumatic and embarrassing experience. Any survey about bullying (whether longitudinal or not) will struggle with the fact that some people don’t want to report their experiences, or may downplay their severity.
Attrition and missing data: Some study participants drop out over time, and this isn’t always random. This is known as attrition. It is also the case that some participants may choose not to answer every question at every sweep – which can lead to something called missing data.
There are analytical methods that researchers can use to deal with attrition and missing data. The teams running particular longitudinal studies can provide useful guidance about how best to deal with missing data from their study.
Timeliness: Determining the long-term effects of childhood bullying requires us to wait until study participants have grown up. For example, we can see the longer-term effects of childhood bullying for study participants born in the 1950s, but not (yet) for those born in the 2000s. When using data from older studies, it is important for researchers to consider how to relate their findings to generations growing up today.
Find out more about the challenges of longitudinal data in the Introduction to longitudinal studies module.
This household panel study has been used to look at bullying among siblings, and how those experiences relate to experiences of school bullying. Because it has boosted samples of ethnic minority and immigrant families, it enables researchers to understand if experiences of bullying are different for these groups.
This national birth cohort study has rich data on child development, including mental health and wellbeing, in addition to detailed questions on bullying asked of children, parents and teachers. It over sampled minority ethnic and disadvantaged children, whose risks for being bullied may differ from other children.
This regional birth cohort study has a strong biomedical focus allowing for scientifically robust studies of bullying and mental and physical health.
This national birth cohort study is the oldest study with data on bullying. Mothers were asked if their children were bullied at ages 7 and 11, and their responses can be related to the study participants’ education, employment, health and wellbeing outcomes throughout adulthood.