Mothers’ offending significantly influences childhood offending in their daughters but not their sons. This finding holds only for mothers who offend after their child is born and not those who end their criminal behaviour before having children.
Researchers, based at Queen’s University Belfast and the University of Edinburgh, examined whether there was an association between mothers’ offending and the criminal behaviour of their children at age 12.
Using longitudinal cohort data, they investigated whether criminality is transmitted from mothers who stopped offending prior to their child’s birth and those who continued to offend into parenthood.
The authors also examined whether the maternal influence was different for daughters and sons.
GUS is a nationally representative longitudinal study following three cohorts of children born in Scotland between 2002-2011. This paper focused on Birth Cohort 1 in the GUS study, which is a cohort of approximately 5,200 children born in Scotland between 2005-06 who have been followed up every 1-2 years. Data from the GUS study provides insights into a range of social, cognitive, and behavioural factors, including offending behaviours.
The paper’s analysis focused on a subset of 2,517 children who had available longitudinal data from ages 6 to 12-years.
The study’s dependent variable is a binary measure of self-reported childhood offending at age 12-years.
Children were asked if they had ever engaged in nine different types of criminal or anti-social behaviour (shoplifting, public disorder, theft, carrying a weapon, destruction of property, burglary, vandalism, threats and assault), with a positive response on any item coded as having committed an offence.
Cohort members’ mothers were asked about their own involvement in a list of six criminal behaviours — the list of items was the same as the list for the children, but excluded theft, vandalism and threats.
Mothers who reported any offence were asked how old they were when this last happened and the researchers ascertained whether the offence(s) occurred pre- or post-birth from these responses.
Other potential risk factors for offending were included as control variables, including parent-child relations, parental supervision, exposure to adverse childhood experiences (contact with the family justice system, household dysfunction, parental maltreatment, family trauma), neighbourhood deprivation, household poverty, other demographic characteristics (sex, ethnicity), child development indicators (general health, listening scores, additional support needs), and maternal background factors (educational level, single-parent status).
Overall, strong evidence was found to support the transmission of offending between mothers and their children, but only when maternal offending occurred after the child was born and only in the case of daughters.
Even in the presence of other well-known factors likely to cause or lead to criminal behaviour, the propensity to offend among 12-year-old girls was more strongly influenced by the behaviours of their mothers than it was for boys.
By contrast, no evidence was found to support the hypothesis that a mother’s involvement in offending was likely to influence offending in their sons; this suggests that offending in boys is influenced by a wider range of familial and personal vulnerabilities than offending in girls.
The use of longitudinal data allows researchers to examine the changes over time in offending behaviours, distinguishing between the influence of intergenerational and intragenerational maternal offending.
Additionally, the GUS dataset offers a wealth of contextual information about the children’s social, cognitive, and behavioural development, as well as their familial and environmental circumstances, across several years.
However, as with all longitudinal studies, participant attrition can be an issue. This reduces sample sizes and can introduce bias, particularly if certain subgroups (e.g., those engaging in criminal behaviour) are more likely to disengage and leave the study.
Another issue is the reliance on self-reported data for offending behaviours, which may lead to under-reporting, especially among mothers, due to recall errors or a reluctance to disclose prior criminal activities.
The lack of data on paternal offending also poses a limitation, as it prevents a fuller exploration of how both parents’ behaviours influence their children’s outcomes.
The findings highlight the importance of designing gender-sensitive interventions that address the unique needs of female offenders who are mothers.
Maternal offending appears to have a pronounced impact on daughters, suggesting that targeted support for these mothers could play a crucial role in breaking the cycle of cross-generational offending.
Effective policy interventions need to be developed within the context of greater understanding of the role of maternal offending and familial dynamics.
Whilst women remain the primary caregiver in the vast majority of families, there is an evidence gap in our understanding of the causal mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of offending, from mother to child, where more information would be useful to guide policy responses.
The study underscores the need for more integrated research efforts. Combining longitudinal quantitative studies with qualitative research that explores the lived experiences of offending mothers could provide a richer understanding of the mechanisms behind maternal transmission of offending behaviours.
Such research could inform more comprehensive policies that address both the direct and indirect pathways between maternal offending and children’s development and behaviour.
Kaye, N. (2025). Research Case Studies: Transmission of offending behaviour from mother to child. CLOSER Learning Hub, London, UK: CLOSER.