Students of private and grammar schools had better academic outcomes than their peers at comprehensive, faith schools and secondary modern schools.
Researchers, from University College London and Penn State, analysed longitudinal data from the 1970 British Cohort Study (BCS70) to explore whether there was an academic advantage for cohort members attending private, grammar and faith schools.
Specifically, the research focused on academic achievement across England and Wales, at the end of compulsory schooling (age 16), in further education (age 18), and cohort members’ highest qualification attained by age 42, whilst also controlling for a broad number of confounding variables.
The 1970 British Cohort Study (BCS70) extends across England, Scotland and Wales, following the lives of over 17,000 people in a single week of 1970. Researchers used eight further waves of the study, at ages 5, 10, 16, 26, 30, 34, 38, and 42 years, with data on health, physical, educational and social development, and economic circumstances.
The researchers combined data from three sources: the 1986 Head Teacher’s Questionnaire; the 1986 Schools Census, and a retrospective question, which was asked in 2012 on the religion in which cohort members were raised.
Schools were classified in terms of non-faith schools: comprehensive, secondary modern, grammar, and private schools; and faith schools: Church of England (C of E), Catholic, and other faiths.
‘Academic outcomes’ were defined at age 16 as the number of passes at grades A-C. At age 18, outcomes relate to passes at A-level, and at age 42, the highest qualification gained was categorised on a six-point ordinal variable ranging from no qualifications to higher degree.
Background controls accounted for a child’s demographic characteristics. These included birth characteristics such as: sex; birth weight, position in birth order and mother’s age at their first birth. Family characteristics measured at age 5 included occupational social class, parents’ highest qualification, home ownership, household overcrowding and information on the frequency of reading to the child. The type of newspaper commonly present in the home at age 16 was also included as a control variable.
Data from various cognitive tests, which were included in the BCS70 study of children at the ages of 5 and 10 years, were used to derive a robust score for cognition. Unique to this study, the religion of upbringing was also made a control variable, sourced retrospectively when participants were aged 42 years.
Results showed that, on average, students who went to private and grammar schools produced superior results in terms of academic outcomes at ages 16-years and 18-years, when compared with students who attended comprehensive schools. These students also achieved higher qualifications in mid-life. Attending a private or grammar school had a positive impact on academic performance and qualifications even after the students’ socioeconomic background and childhood cognitive ability are taken into account. However, it is worth noting that students in these schools routinely came from more socioeconomically advantaged families.
Secondary modern students consistently presented the poorest results both academically and socioeconomically. These students had the fewest O-level passes and just 47% of them were part of homeowner-families. The models revealed that secondary modern students achieved an average of 0.4 fewer passes at age 16 compared to comprehensive school students. Moreover, at age 18, secondary modern students were only 0.6 as likely to achieve any A-level passes compared to those in comprehensive schools. By contrast, students in grammar and private schools were respectively four times and 6.3 times more likely to attain A-levels compared to comprehensive school students.
The results ultimately found that there was no significant difference in outcomes between faith and non-faith schools, for pupils at age 18 or by age 42, once all relevant confounding variables were controlled for in the models. Nonetheless, there were still notable differences between outcomes for faith schools at age 16, with C of E and Catholic schools having a small-yet-significant advantage compared to schools with no faith denomination (equivalent to approximately half an O-level pass).
Unlike other studies investigating faith and non-faith schools, this study can account for a wide range of background controls and explore the long-term impact of schooling through the use of rich data from an established longitudinal birth-cohort study. Another advantage is the study’s unique inclusion of the variable, ‘religion of upbringing’.
However, limitations do exist. Not least the fact that the study looks retrospectively at a school system in 1980, which has changed substantially in the intervening decades. Furthermore, the study uses official labels of faith schooling while overlooking the fact that, at the time, all state schools were required to conduct collective acts of worship and to provide religious instruction. This means the influence of faith would have existed, in some form, for all school types.
Defining specifically what faith schooling means could also help to define the distinct academic benefit, or lack of benefit, of faith schools. The study also fails to thoroughly investigate the religious behaviours of the cohort members’ parents, which obscures the variability in cohort members’ experience of being raised in a certain religion and how this may have impacted on their academic attainment.
A further limitation of the BCS70 is the low percentage of ethnic minorities that are included in the sample. Whilst the researchers discussed the academic tenacity of immigrants and ethnic minorities, related to their culture or faith, the results from their analysis using this cohort study could only reflect the experience of ethnic majorities.
A challenge common to using longitudinal data is missing data, not just due to attrition but, in this case, the BCS70 has a significant amount of incomplete data for age 16 due to a teachers’ strike that was taking place at the time. Nonetheless, there was a good overall response and representativeness of the sample in the age 16 wave and the authors were able to use multiple imputation techniques to address issues arising from missing data.
A wider challenge using longitudinal data generally (as well as from using the BCS70) to investigate educational attainment in the short and long term, is that the definition of schools, school culture, school typing systems and even school grading has changed. This includes the expansion of faith schooling in the state sector, to extend beyond Christian and Jewish schools to schools of other faiths, under the New Labour government after 1997.
The retrospective elements of this study suggest that it is too outdated to inform current policy on education. This is due to school system changes since the 1980s when this cohort was in school. Despite this, the study topics are still relevant today. The study provides further context for modern debates surrounding faith schooling, regarding social segregation, inclusion, and academic performance.
Moreover, the established advantage for private school and grammar school students also adds to the debate on whether private and selective schools should continue to exist. On the one hand, the benefits of private and grammar schooling can be seen in greater individual educational attainment in compulsory schooling and beyond. However, this individual advantage serves to widen the socioeconomic gap at a societal level between those who did and those who did not attend such schools. Policies should focus on boosting attainment for all students across all school types, with the aim of enabling all schools to match the success of private and grammar school students.
Sullivan, A., Parsons, S., Green, F., Wiggins, R. D., Ploubidis, G., & Huynh, T. (2018). Educational attainment in the short and long term: was there an advantage to attending faith, private, and selective schools for pupils in the 1980s? Oxford Review of Education, 44(6), 806-822.